Scielo RSS http://www.scielo.org.ar/rss.php?pid=1853-197020120002&lang=pt vol. 6 num. 2 lang. pt http://www.scielo.org.ar/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.ar http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200001&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt This article describes the municipal organization in Argentina which is currently conformed by 2,222 local governments. Within this framework, the access of women to executive and legislative positions is analyzed in relation to quota laws and electoral systems in force in these districts. According to the main conclusions the data presented do not support the hypothesis which establishes that women access to decision-making positions is greater at the local level. Also is sustained that parity overcomes some barriers to the efficiency of the quota laws. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The purpose of this paper is to think the electoral issue during the first two peronist governments (1946-1955). Starting from a study of the implemented reforms (feminine vote, constitutional amendment, political parties law, electoral law and provincializations), the main objective of this essay is to show that during these years, Argentina made changes of the electoral matters as profound as those introduced during the Sáenz Peña years. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200003&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt These pages aim to present a proposal of theoretical articulation for addressing recent political configurations in Latin American countries. This proposal combines the historical tendency of new institutionalism and the history of concepts coined in the Koselleck writings; from there, we begin an analysis of ideological and identitary constructions, relevant for an approach of public policies construction process. The conceptual definition presented was created to study those constructions in the cases of "peronismo kirchnerista" and "izquierda frenteamplista", in Argentina and Uruguay. Our perspective suggests that it is possible an analysis of concrete public policies, like those which are defined by working relationships sphere in both cases of study, based on the inquiry of "rescue processes" that are well established in the uses of concepts that help to define the mentioned identities. The paper initiates discussions on the public policies field prioritizing the historical configurations search and it's legacies on recent definitions. Proposes new ways to approximate to the emergence of post-neoliberal governments that open the present century in our region. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200004&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The notion of identity occupies the center of an extensive debate within the social context and within the social sciences. In contrast, political science has not appealed to this notion as an analytical category, which is why this essay seeks to fill this gap. We explore, first, the different lines of this debate and, second, the diverse approaches on identities in the other disciplines, especially in its treatment of Latin America, to assess, at the end, its usefulness for the purposes of carrying out any kind of study with a political perspective focusing on identities. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200005&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Towards the end of 2001 and beginning of 2002, Argentina faced one of the deepest crisis of its history. From that moment on, the State intervention in welfare's field was consolidating in two major lines: measures destined to formal wage-earning workers and social programs that were destined to consider the situation of poverty conditions and lack of work that at first appeared to be momentary. This paper centers the analysis in the period between 2002 and 2009, in three social programs which relate to different areas: "Plan Jefas y Jefes de Hogar Desocupados Derecho de Inclusión Social"; "Plan de Seguridad Alimentaria El Hambre más Urgente"; and "Plan de Desarrollo Local y Economía Social Manos a la Obra". This paper analyzes the definitions of the mains problems identified and tries to investigate a "work-centered" vision that is on the centre of this welfare model. Finally, the analysis is centered in the potential of demarketising and making unknown the policies mention above. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200006&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Towards the end of 2001 and beginning of 2002, Argentina faced one of the deepest crisis of its history. From that moment on, the State intervention in welfare's field was consolidating in two major lines: measures destined to formal wage-earning workers and social programs that were destined to consider the situation of poverty conditions and lack of work that at first appeared to be momentary. This paper centers the analysis in the period between 2002 and 2009, in three social programs which relate to different areas: "Plan Jefas y Jefes de Hogar Desocupados Derecho de Inclusión Social"; "Plan de Seguridad Alimentaria El Hambre más Urgente"; and "Plan de Desarrollo Local y Economía Social Manos a la Obra". This paper analyzes the definitions of the mains problems identified and tries to investigate a "work-centered" vision that is on the centre of this welfare model. Finally, the analysis is centered in the potential of demarketising and making unknown the policies mention above. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200007&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt At the present time political theory finds itself in a globalized society where life is presented, on the one hand, full of doubts, and on the other, before an extraordinarily broad horizon. The State, a franchise of European creation, is at its peak. Its global extension confirms it as a formidable success as a mechanism of public engineering, a device that articulates our society throughout the planet.The idea is to understand the reasons for some hidden elements in its architecture. This paper reviews that new society that arose in the thirteenth: a vigilant society. This line criticizes the executive face of politics and recovers the tradition of the authentic and genuine rhetoric. It assumes a liberation from the assumptions currently in force in twentieth-century political science that are centered on the vigilant characteristics of the State. The new political theory defends the importance of the democratic government of the life of each person. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200008&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt The paper seeks to reinterpret politics by listing a series of axiomatized ideas that may be perpetuating the social discomfort and preventing a genuine thinking in political science. Classic rhetoric and complex thinking offer useful tools for educating the citizens, paying attention to the inner nature of human reason, analyzing their imaginaries, and preparing themselves for a political life that begins with their own self-government. Then, politics is understood not as a continuous war but as the contingent construction of the social bond and the management of envies, sorrows, grudges and excessive ambitions. The differentiation between rationality and rationalization enables the (re)sedimentation of judgment as a necessary virtue for the consolidation of democracy and a better political education for the citizenship. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200010&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200011&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200012&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200013&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200014&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200015&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state. http://www.scielo.org.ar/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1853-19702012000200016&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt In this study, it is emphasized that the link between representation, state, citizens, and democracy does not exclusively refer to popular participation and principles of institutional designation. On the basis of conceptions of representation by thinkers such as Arendt and Hobbes, it is argued that political representation does not only precede, but constantly intervene in the notion of a democracy located in sovereign states. When we examine the conceptual relationship between citizens and state we find a series of decisive dilemmas associated with the life contingency of citizens, on the one hand, and the need for a political order, on the other. This is why the conception of political representation developed in this article is not based on principles of identity or correspondence, but on contingent public spaces and metonymical processes, which make possible to gather dispersed attributes in order to generate notions of overarching political order, such as the sovereign state.