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Synthesis (La Plata)

versión On-line ISSN 1851-779X

Synthesis (La Plata) vol.16  La Plata set. 2009



Musical instruments and the Paean in Archilochus

Paula Da Cunha Corrêa

University of São Paulo

El presente artículo analiza la significación de la relativamente frecuente ocurrencia de la terminología musical en los fragmentos de Arquíloco, tal como auloí y ejecutantes de auloí (fr.58.12,269), liras (fr.54.11, 93a lira + aulos), la trompeta (fr. 214) y el ejecutante de trompa (fr. 269), y la referencia al peán (fr.121) en sus contextos.

Palabras clave: Terminología musical; Peán; Arquíloco.

This paper intends to examine the significance of the relatively frequent occurrence of musical terminology in the fragments of Archilochus, such as auloi and auloi players (fr. 58.12, 269), lyres (fr.54.11, 93a lyre + aulos), the trumpet (fr. 214) and horn player (fr. 269), and reference to a paean (fr.121), in their contexts.

Key words: Musical Terminology; Paean; Archilochus.

In comparison with other archaic elegiac and iambic poets, the occurrences of musical terminology in the fragments of Archilochus are remarkable for their number and variety. Statistics may be hazardous when applied to such a faulty corpus, but if we first consider musical instruments and musicians, with the exception of the various occurrences in the Theognidea,1 whose dating is neither uniform nor certain, in the extant elegies and iambi we only find a few isolated references, such as συρίζει in Hipponax 79.11,2 lyres in Margites 1.3 and in Ion 32.1,3 and an aulos player in a elegiac distich (ad. eleg. 19.14) quoted by Athenaeus 337e, while the verses of Archilochus contain auloi (93a) and an aulos player (58.12), lyres (54.11, 93a), a conch (214) and a horn player (269).5 Before inquiring into the nature and function of these references, let us examine them in their contexts.

54.11 P. Oxy. 2312 fr. 1-4 ed. Lobel: ]ν λύρην π[ lyre

58.12 P. Oxy. 2312 fr. 6+7+8 ed. Lobel: ἄιδων] ὑπ᾽ αὐλητῆ[ρος singing to the accompaniment of a aulos player6

54 and 58 belong to Pap. Oxy. 2312 that contains fragments pertaining (apparently) to the erotic narratives involving the daughter or daughters of Lycambes. In this case, the lyre mentioned (54.11), and the "singing to the accompaniment of an aulos player" (58.12) may refer to the music and instruments present at a symposium, perhaps the same context of the aulos and lyre in fr. 93a:

93ª: Sosthenes inscription A I.a 43-49:

5 ωντολα. [x] ειπεασ [ x ]ιων πάις Πεισιστράτου
ἄνδρας ..(.)ωλεῦντας αὐλὸν καὶ λύρην ἀνήγαγεν
ἐς Θάσον κυσὶ Θρέιξιν δῶρ᾽ ἔχων ἀκήρατον
χρυσόν, οἰκείωι δὲ κέρδει ξύν᾽ ἐποίησαν κακά -

...] the son of Pisistratus brought back to Thasos men (?) aulos and lyre, bearing pure gold as a gift for Thracian dogs, and for personal profit they did public harm7

214: Hesychius s.v. σάλπιγξ
tσιγηνοσάλπιγξ · ἀντὶ τοῦ κὴρυξ. τινὲς δὲ ὄρνιν ποιόν. καὶ\ ὄργανον
πολεμικόν. Καὶ
Θαλασίην σάλπιγγα
Παρ᾽ Ἀρχιλόχῳ <ἐκδέχονται> δὲ τὸν στρόμβον. { ἐκδέχονται δέ} καὶ
Σάλπιγγος Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερόν παρὰ Ἀργείοις.

sigēnosálpinks: instead of 'herald'. Some say it is a kind of bird, and a war instrument.

And there is the 'sea trumpet' in Archilochus; they understand it of the conch. And there is also the temple of Athena of the trumpet among the Argives.

Archilochus could be referring here to the use of conches as improvised trumpets for signaling, and these are most frequently mentioned as battle-field instruments: "Certain sea shells and animal horns require only the making of a mouth-hole to become natural trumpets, and they have been put to this use from the earliest times" (West, 1992: 121).9

269 Pollux 4.71: ὁ δὲ τοῖς αὐλοῖς χρώμενος αὐλητής, καὶ κεραύλης κατὰ τὸν Ἀρχίλοχον.

"One who plays auloi is called an aulos-player and, according to Archilochus, a 'horn blower'"

Archilochus obviously knows the word αὐλητής (aulos-player), perhaps present in fragment 58 quoted above. This must be a joke. When he calls a musician who plays the aulos a "horn player", he alludes, most probably, to this individual's practice of fellatio: in fragment 24710 keras is a metaphor for the penis.
When one notes the number of musical instruments in the fragments of Archilochus, compared to those present in other elegiac and iambic poets (excluding the Theognidea), one may at first think that this, a marked feature of self-referential genres such as choral lyric, could be due to the range of genres practiced by the poet, as his references to the dithyramb and paean might suggest. However, it seems that most of these auloi and lyres appear in the context of narratives, and therefore would not be self-referential.
Nonetheless, if the narrative context in fragments 54.11, 58.12, 93ª (and most probably 269) is that of a symposium, and if these very same poems were composed for symposium performance, then we do have some sort of referential function, or at least a mirroring: a symposium context being narrated in the context of a symposium. Could we then say that the symposium, as in the Theognidean corpus, is more present in Archilochus than in other archaic iambic and elegiac poets? The symposium may have been a favored theme, or just the most natural scenario and performative context for Archilochus' erotic narratives.
Besides the references to musical instruments employed in narrative context or as metaphors (and in this case also non-referential), we also find in the verses of Archilochus references to poetical terminology, two general and three more specific or "technical" terms: aoide (253) melos (120), iambus (215), dithyramb (120) and paean (121). Fragment 253 is interesting for the enchanting power of song.11 Regarding 215,12 I agree with Rotstein (2008) in general, but I might just ask: as the speaker rejects iambi in an iambic trimeter, is he being ironic, or is this just more evidence for the fact that this meter, at the time, was not necessarily associated with what was understood by "iambi"? Although the dithyramb (glossed as the melos of lord Dionysus) in fragment 120 deserves a new appreciation, I will focus this paper on fragment 121 and the paean in Archilochus.

121: αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλὸν Λέσβιον παιήονα

Gerber's translation (1999): "I myself taking the lead in the Lesbian paean to the pipe's accompaniment"
In the first place, is it a Lesbian paean sung to the aulos, or a paean sung to a Lesbian aulos? We have no references in our extant sources either to a Lesbian paean or to Lesbian auloi. Although Liebel (1818: 128) translates "Lesbian paean", he is the first to raise this question. Lasserre and Bonnard (1958) are the only ones to translate the adjective with the aulos13 Lasserre (1958, p. 29) notes the absence of other testimonies for the paean being played by a Lesbian aulos, but refers to the chronology of Terpander in relation to Archilochus.
Other editions and commentaries since Schneidewin (1838) also mention Terpander's chronological proximity to Archilochus,14 but to the opposite effect, in support of their reading "Lesbian" with "paean", not with aulos,15 and this has been the general tendency16. Diehl (19261) quoted Terpander 697 PMG, considered to be a paean17 although the verse is quoted in the Suda as a prelude (προοίμιον) to Terpander's Orthian Nomos, and is not listed in Käppel (1992) or Rutherford's (2001) collection of testimonies and fragments of paeans. We might have paeans in Sappho and Alcaeus,18 and there is a clear reference to a wedding paean in Sappho 44V. Therefore, it was perhaps with Sappho and Alcaeus in mind that the commentaries on this verse of Archilochus quote Terpander.19 But is this enough to rule out reading "Lesbian aulos" in Archilochus 121?
Auloi were fabricated in many shapes and sizes. Landels (1999: 41) records what he calls "a bewildering list of some other 35 types" of auloi besides those named according to their pitch range (parthenikos, paidikos, kitharisterios, teleios, hyperteleios), or origins (Phrygian, Dorian etc.).20 According to Pollux 4.81, the πυθικός aulos was specifically associated with paeans.
Auloi are generally thought of as oriental, due to their assumed origins and most celebrated players. Since there were Phrygian, Dorian and Lydian auloi, why could there not have existed a specific kind of aulos from Lesbos mentioned byArchilochus who, as we have seen, is fond of mentioning musical instruments in his poetry, at least more than many of his peers? If it is a Lesbian paean, this is the only extant reference to this sort of paean. What does this imply? A paean sung in a particular Lesbian style, a specific paean from Lesbos, a Lesbian nomos? In any case, it proves that Archilochus was well traveled and knew foreign songs or that "the music of Lesbos was already well-known" (Gerber, 1970: 33).
The second piece of evidence invoked by Diehl (19261) and adopted by others in support of the "Lesbian paean" is a verse from the Sosthenes Inscription (A IV.46-58, P. Oxy. 2313 fr.3a vv.12-21, Archilochus fr. 98.11):

98.11 — ∪ — ἄν]δ [ρ]ες αὐτοὶ Λεσβίω [...]ει

The context is certainly that of a battle narrative, but if this verse refers to men from Lesbos, as West (1985: 12) conjectured, on what side would they be on, or what would they be doing in Thasos, supposing this is where the battle took place?21 We do not hear of rivalries between Parians or Thasians and Lesbians in this period, although Marcaccini (2001: 197) suggests that Lesbians might have also come to Thasos as settlers (ἐπίοικοι) and fought either against or beside Parians as their allies.
In his commentary on the Sosthenes inscription, Hiller (1900: 21) quoted fragment 121 that contains the only other reference to something "Lesbian" in Archilochus. Later, Diehl (19362) provided the supplement "Lesbian paean" (Λεσβίω [ν παιήονα]), adopted by Hiller, Peek, Treu22 and Lasserre,23 and from which one infers the "Lesbian paean" would be a battle-paean.
Lasserre and Bonnard (1958: 29), with "Archilochus the soldier" in mind, suggested that fragment 121 could indicate that the paean, at the poet's time, was sung by troops before an attack24 or after victory. West (1974: 128) and Slings (1986: 3) argue that in verse 11 of fragment 98 a paean would be "premature". But the context, as far as one can tell (and one can't tell much), does not seem to exclude a pre-battle paean.25 Besides, the practice of battle paeans varied among the Greeks, in space and time. That Dorian and Athenian battle-paeans were executed at different moments is attested by Thucydides' (7.44.6) story of the Sicilian invasion.26
Let us return to fragment 121. What kind of paean could this be? The contexts of paean performance in antiquity were varied and the genre, for us, is one of the most elusive.27 Those who read "Lesbian paean" in Archilochus 121 and associated it with fragment 98.11 would have found support for their hypothesis in Ian Rutherford's book on Pindar's Paeans. For Rutherford (2001: 14) the paean "started as a song-dance" "in honor of the diety Paian/Paiawon", and since the battle is an early context for paeans, and the "paia/n sung before battle was sometimes linked with a ritual cry in honour of Enualios", Rutherford believes "it may be more than a coincidence that Paian/Paiawon and Enualios are linked in a Linear B tablet from Knossos (KN v 52)".28
This hypothesis of the paean's origins and the assumed "conjunction" of Paiawon and Enualios would fit like a glove for those who read Archilochus' paean in fragment 121 as a battle-paean and suppose that the poet speaks of his own abilities, since it is generally held that in fragment 1 the poet professes his service to Enualios and the Muses.29
Therefore, a battle-paean by Archilochus, in tribute of Enualios, would have supported Rutherford's argument. Curiously, however, Rutherford says that Archilochus 121 might be self-referential, but he does not identify context, nor function.30 We will return to this point. First, however, it has been noted by Käppel (2002) that the names Paiawon and Enualios are not "linked" but juxtaposed on the tablet, and it is methodologically improper to infer that the gods were identified. That the paean had an early role in battle is unquestioned, but to associate it with Enualios on these grounds is unjustified.
Some, as Käppel (1992), have followed Harvey (1955: 172) when he wrote without explaining that "Archilochus (76 D) and Alcman (7I D) prove the antiquity of the banquetpaean".31 Strabo (10.4.18)32 leaves no doubt concerning the context of Alcman's paean, but as for Archilochus 121, Gerber (1970: 33) "see(s) no evidence for Harvey's statement". On what basis could Harvey have reached this conclusion? I believe this classification comes from a misreading of the fragment's quotation in Athenaeus, and perhaps from a conjecture made by Meineke and the context of Archilochus 120.
According to Bergk (18824), Meineke suggested uniting the tetrameters of 121 and 120 in a single fragment. Although all editors following Bergk print the verses as distinct fragments, they do place them one after the other, either as proposed by Meineke,33 or in the inverted order as do West (19711, 19892) and Gerber (1999).34
This has also forced the identification of αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων in fragment 121 with the first person ("I") and the poet, while the nominative could have referred to a declaration or action of some third person in a narrative.35 Since the context in Athenaeus' quotation of 120 is explicitly that of a symposium, if one reads 120 and 121 together or one after the other, the same context is easily suggested, especially because the quotation of Philochorus FGrHist 328 F 172 in Athenaeus 14.628a, exemplified by Archilochus 120, is perhaps the earliest source for the distinction made between the turbulent performance of the dithyramb of Dionysus and the tranquil orderliness of the song for Apollo:36

120: Athenaeus 628a: Φιλόχορος δέ (328 F 172) φησιν ὡς οἱ παλαιοὶ {σπένδοντες} οὐκ αἰεὶ διθυραμβοῦσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν σπένδωσιν, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον ἐν οἴνῳ καὶ μέθῃ, τὸν δ᾽ Ἀπόλλωνα μεθ᾽ ἡσυχίας καὶ τάξεως μέλποντες . Ἀρχίλοχος γοῦν φησίν ·
ὡς Διωνύσοι᾽ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξαρξαι μέλος
οἶδα διθύραμβον οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.

"And Philochorus says that when the ancients pour libations they do not always sing the dithyrambs, but whenever they pour libations, they do so, singing of Dionysus amid wine and drunkenness, Apollo quietly and with good order. Archilochus at any rate says: for I know how to lead the dithyramb, the lovely song of lord Dionysus, my wits thunderstruck with wine".
The commentaries also tend to associate fragments 120 and 121 as testimonies of the poet's ability in both genres, as Hauvette says (1905: 83): "the poet boasts his ability to lead the dithyramb and the paean",37 and Campbell (1983: 255), assuming a first-person autobiographical declaration, says that Archilochus claims to lead the chorus twice: in the Lesbian paean and the dithyramb to Dionysus.
If we return to the context of Archilochus 121 in Athenaeus 5.180d-e, the verses are brought in as an example of the proper function of the exarkhon: it is the phorminx that must take the lead:

121: Athenaeus Deipn. 180d: οὐ γὰρ ἐξάρχοντες οἱ κυβιστηρὴρες (Il. 18.606 = Od. 4.19), ἀλλ᾽ ἐάρχοντος τοῦ ᾠδοῦ πάντες ὠρχοῦντο. Τὸ γὰρ ἐξάρχειν τῆω φόρμιγγος ἴδιον. διόπερ ὁ μὲν Ἡσίοδος φησιν ἐν τῇ Ἀσπίδι (205) "θεαὶ δ᾽ ἐξῆρχον ἀοιδῆς Μοῦσαι Πιερίδες", καὶ ὁ Ἀρχίλοχος ·

Athenaeus (Deipn. 180d): "For it was not the tumblers who took the lead, but they all danced while the singer led, since taking the lead is the lyre's proper function. That is why Hesiod says in the Shield (205): 'and the divine Muses of Pieria were taking the lead in the song', and Archilochus (121)".
To make sense of the quotation of Archilochus 121 in this context, we could imagine that the exarkhon plays a lyre (kithara or phorminx) to the accompaniment of the aulos,38 since we do have notice of the use of both instruments in paeans.39 In the example brought in before Archilochus, the Muses take the lead (ἐξῆρχον), accompanied by Apollo with his golden phorminx (Shield 205):


ἐν δ᾽ ἦν ἀθανάτωνἱερὸς χορός· ἐν δ᾽ ἄρα μέσσῳ
ἱμερόεν κιθάριζε Διὸς καὶ Λητοῦς υἱὸς
χρυσείῃ φόρμιγγι · θεῶν δ᾽ ἕδος ἁγνὸς Ὄλυμπος·
ἐν ἀγορή, περὶ δ᾽ ὄλβος ἀπείριτος ἐστεφάνωτο
ἀθανάτων ἐν ἀγωνι· θεαὶ δ᾽ ἐξῆρχον ἀοιδῆς
Μοῦσαι Πιερίδες, λιγὺ μελπόμενῃς εἰκυῖαι.

"Upon it was the holy chorus of the immortals; and in the middle the son of Zeus and Leto was playing music, rousing desire, upon a golden lyre. The seat of the gods was hallowed Olympus; upon it was the assembly, and around it measureless wealth was placed in the contest of the immortals. Goddesses were beginning the song, the Pierian Muses, and they looked as though they were singing piercingly".40
It is true that in the larger context Athenaeus describes a symposium, but neither the verse from the Shield nor that of Archilochus, both quoted in a digression on the exarkhon's function, refer necessarily to a symposium performance, nor do the subsequent quotations of Stesichorus 250 Davies and Pindar P. 1.4.
In sum, Archilochus 121 may or may not have been self-referential (although, for metrical reasons, I am inclined to believe it was not self-referential), the context of the paean referred to could be any of those proper for paean performance, the exarkhon could be the lyric-I or another third person who leads a Lesbian paean or a paean to the sound of a Lesbian aulos. If nothing may be ascertained from the context in Athenaeus, nor from the supplements of fragment 98, it is however true that the first-person speaker in Archilochus is fond of boasting poetical skills, knowledge or abilities ("I am versed in the Muse's gift" 1, "I know how to lead the dithyramb" 120, "I know a big thing" 126), and perhaps the most appropriate context for such bravata or self-introductions, and the meters these are formulated in, is the symposium. However, even if we suppose fragment 121 presents a prideful lyric I in a symposium (without excluding the possibility of a speech within a narrative), he could be boasting his expertise in leading other sorts of paeans, such as those performed in war,41 or at the most important occasions of paean performance, the Apollonian festivals at sanctuaries, perhaps at Despotikó.42


1 αὐλητήρ 533, 825, 943, 975, 1041, 1065, αὐλητής 941, αὐλίσκος 241, αὐλός 532, 761, 885, κιθάρα 778, φόρμιγξ 761, 791, λύρη 534, 975.

2 ]ὡς ἔχιδνα συρίζει . West (1974: 144) suggests that the verb might refer to the dog that "hisses" at visitors "like a viper": "(the dog) ὅς τοῖς φίλοισιν] ὡς ἔχιδνα συρίζει."

3 Margites 1.3: φίλαις ἔχων ἐν χερσίν εὔφθογγον λύρην; Ion 32.1: ἑνδεκάχορδε λύρα,...

4 ἀνδρί μὲν αὐλητῆρι θεοὶ νόον ούκ ἐνέφυσαν,| ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα τῶι φυσῆν χὠ νόος ἐκπέταται.

5 I do not count the dubious occurrences West (19711, 19892) indicates in Simonides: 66.3 οὐ]κ αὐλο [ aulos?, 59.5 ]αίετο φορ[ phorminx?, 29.3 βαρβι [ barbitos? Andrea Rotstein noted (in personal communication) that Archilochus was credited in antiquity with various innovations relating to music, and therefore the relative abundance of musical terms in Archilochus compared to other authors is consistent with his role in the history of Greek music. Cf. Rotstein, The Idea of Iambos, Part IV, Chapter 8: Archilochus as a musical innovator (forthcoming).

6 Αὐλητήρ does not occur in Homer, but in pseudo-Hesiod Scutum 283 = 298.

7 The three and a half verses of the quotation of the poem are practically lost and the sense of the event narrated is difficult, producing various diverging interpretations. Cf. Owen (2003).

8 Bossi (1990: 220-22) attributes θαλασσίην to Hesychius, and argues that the accusative σάλπιγγα is due to the gloss and not a direct quotation (cf. also Gerber, 1999).

9 But cf. also Thgn. 1229-30.

10 Archilochus 247:Ἀριστοτέλης δέ, φασί (Arist. Pseudepigraphus p. 166 Rose) κέραι ἀγλαὸν (Il. 11.385) εἶπεν ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰδοῖο σεμνυνόμενον ... καὶ ἒοικεν ὁ σκορπιώδης τὴν γλῶσσαν Ἀρχίλοχος ἁπαλὸν κέρας τὸ αἰδοῖον εἰπὼν ἐντεῦθεν τὴν λέξιν πορίσασθαι.

11 Archilochus 253: τὸ μέλος καὶ [.......]αι ταραχῶν εἶν [αι κ]αταπ [α]υστικόν, ὡς ἐπι[.....]των καὶ τῶν ζώι[ων .....]σθαι κατα πραυνο[μένω]ν· διὸ καὶ τὸν Ἀρχίλο[χον λ]έγειν Κηλωταιδοτισ[..(..) . | .]ων ἀοιδαῖς Song has the power to cause...disturbances to cease, since...and animals are pacified. Therefore Archilochus says: charmed by songs of... Cf. Od. 1.337, 11.333, 12.39.

12 Archilochus 215: Tzetzes All. Hom. W 125 ss. Ποιεῖ ὅπερ καὶ ὕστερον Ἀρχίλοχος ἐκεῖνος ·| σφῆς ἀδελφὴς γὰρ σύζυγον πνιγέντα τῇ θαλάσσῃ |περιπαθῶς ὠδύρετο. Γράφειν μὴ θέλων ὅλως.| λέγων πρός τοὺς βιάζοντας συγγράμμασιν ἐγκύπτειν· Καί μ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἰὰμβων οὔτε τερπωλέων μέλει.

13 ... entonnant moi-même le péan, au son de la flûte de Lesbos ...

14 In Pseudo-Plutarch De Mus. 4, Terpander is older than Archilochus, but according to Phaenias of Eresos (fr.33 Wehrli), he is younger. Cf. Gerber 1999, Test. 9.

15 Schneidewin (1838: 189): Lesbium dicit Paeana propter Terpandrum. Bergk (1882), Diehl (19261, 19362, 19523), Treu (1959), Adrados (19903).

16 Bergk (1882), Bahntje (1900), Diehl (19261, 19362, 19523), Edmonds (1931), Treu (1959), Tarditi (1968), Campbell (1983), Adrados (19903), Martino-Vox (1996).

17 ἀμφὶ μοι αὖτε ἄναχθ᾽ ἑκατηβόλον ᾀδέτω < ἁ > φρήν.

18 Cf. Käppel (1992), Paean 1 & 3: Alcaeus 307V, Sappho or Alcaeus Suppl. Lyr. Gr. S 291: P.Oxy. 2878 fr. 5.

19 Cf. Treu (1959: 223): "Von der Überlegenheit lesbischer Aoiden spricht Sappho fr. 116D., viell. im Hinblick auf ihren (älteren) Landsmann Terpandros." See also Martino and Vox (1996: 632), who quote the same verse (Sappho 106V) with reference to the "Lesbian paean" in Archilochus 121.

20 Cf. West (1992: 88) for descriptions of the specific types of auloi.

21 Cf. Marcaccini (2001: 197).

22 (die Männer) selber einen Lesbischen (Paian?)

.α]ὐτοὶ Λεσβίω[ν
Hiller (1900). [μ]ε[να] Hiller (1903); [ὕμνον α]ὐτοὶ Λεσβίω[ν τότ᾽ ἀμφι ] Diehl (1923). ε[.] αὐτοὶ Λεσβίω[ Maas (ap. Hiller 1934). Λεσβίω [ν παιήονα] Diehl (1936, 1952); Hiller (1939). [εὐ μαθόντες ἄν]δρε[ς] αὐτοὶ Λεσβίω[ν παιήονα] Peek (1956: 193); ἄν]δρε[ς] αὐτοὶ λεσβίω[ν παιήονα] Peek (1956: 4). ὕστ [ερον δ᾽ ἄγον]τες αὐτοὶ Λεσβίω[ν π]αιή [ο]ν [α Lass. ε[.] αὐτοὶ Λεσβίω[ν Treu; Tard., Adrados; Λεσβίω [ West (1971). ἄν]δ [ρ]ε[ς] αὐτοὶ Λεσβίω[ν κλ]ει[νὸν μέλος Peek (1985: 22).

24 Lasserre (loc. cit.) refers to the paean before the battle of Salamis in Aeschylus Pers. 393.

25 Cf. Rutherford (2001: 43) on the battle-παιάν : secondary sources "imply that this could happen at various points in an attack (...) immediately before engagement; at a slightly earlier point before sacrifices had been made or omens taken; or again at the start of a campaign"

26 Rutherford (2001: 44): "the Athenians in Sicily were confused when their Dorian allies sang the paián before battle".

27 Cf. Ford (2006: 278: "among all archaic genres, paeans have proven the most resistant to definition and categorization"), Käppel (1992) and Rutherford (2001: 7) for paeans performed in various cults, sacrifices, as apotropaic prayers, before battles and after victories, at assemblies, as a hymn of praise, at weddings, symposiums, and to honour the dead. Rutherford (2001: 52): "The παιάν was a more flexible medium of expression than might be suggested by a systematic classification of its performance scenarios".

28 Rutherford (2001, p. 14) quotes (KN v 52): a-ta-na-po-ti-ni-ja | u[ ] ....[e-nu-wa-ri-jo | pa-ja-wo-ne | po-se-da[-o-ne "Some late sources suggest that the pre-battle paean was dedicated to Ares or Enualios as well, but there is no classical evidence for this" (Rutherford, 2001: 43).

29 In this case, one could even imagine that the service to Enualios and gifts of the Muses in fragment 1 do not represent opposed spheres of activities: the poet would serve Enualios with the gifts from the Muses, offering him a paean, if "paeans were designed to open a dialogue-relation with the god" (cf. Käppel, 1992: 13).

30 Rutherford (2001: 459): "The song may refer to itself as a paean".

31 Käppel (1992, Test 67, p. 317). Martino-Vox (1996: 632) quote Alcman's sympotic paean in their commentary on Archilochus 121.

32 Strabo (10.4.18): τὰ δὲ συσσίτια ἀνδρεῖα παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Κρησὶν καὶ νὺν ἔτι καλεῖσθαι, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις μὴ διαμεῖναι καλούμενα ὁμοίως πρότερον· παρ᾽ Ἀλκμᾶνι γοὺν οὕτω κεῖσθαι " θοίναις δὲ καὶ ἐν θιάσοισιν ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμόνεσσι πρέπει παιᾶνα κατάρχειν. Rutherford (2001: 52) believes Alcman's verses to be self-referential, the beginning of a banquet paean.

33 Schneidewin (1838), Bergk (1882), Diehl (1923, 1936, 1952), Edmonds (1931), Treu (1959), Tarditi (1968), Adrados (19903). Käppel (1992, Test. 67) refers to Archilochus 120 when he classifies 121 as a sympotic paean.

34 Lasserre (1968), an exception, places the fragments apart, and West (19711, 19892) suggests uniting 120 with 118 and 119.

35 Grandolini (2001: 132): « anche se la sua brevità non consente di stabilire se il poeta parli di se stesso o di una terza persona o riferisca le parole di qualcun altro ».

36 Cf. also Dion. Thrax 451.12-13 Hilgard and Plutarch DE E apud Delphos 389a-b for this polar opposition between the paean and dithyramb

37 Hauvette (1905: 246): "Quant à son orgueil de poète, de chantre inspiré des Muses, voyez comme il rappelle, dans deux vers trocaïques, son adresse à entonner le péan et le dithyrambe ».

38 Ford (2006: 285). Cf. Grandolini (2001: 132): "ἐξάρχειν followed by πρός + accusative means 'to start the song to the sound of'", as in Pindar Ol.10.84 and Euripides Al. 346ss. According to Rutherford (2001: 66), the "soloist's part of the performance may be what is referred to by the verb first in Archilochus".

39 Although the most common instrument in paeans is the aulos, Polycrates (FGrH 588F) registers the use of aulos + kithara, and Porphyry (Vit. Pyth. 32) has Pythagoras singing paeans to the lyre (cf. Rutherford, 2001: 80).

40 Text and translation by Most (2007). Cf. Grandolini (2001: 132-133) on the passage. Is it a musical contest?

41 Rutherford (2001: 43) on the performance of pre-battle paeans: "usually antiphonal with a leader (perhaps a general) starting the performance (the verb is and the army answering with a". The military contexts of paeans are varied: before battles, at the moment after battle, on returning to camp, at a feast after victory or still on a ship in case of a sea-battle (Rutherford, 2001: 45).

42 Rutherford (2001: 8: "most of the surviving-songs were performed in the context of cult") and Käppel (2002: 4). For the importance of the sanctuary of Apollo at Despotikó, an islet between Antiparos and Siphnos, cf. Kouragios (2008).


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